Gas to the Flames: Donald Trump is Likely Just the Beginning

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President Donald John Trump was impeached in the House of Representatives on December 18th, 2019; he was then acquitted in the Senate on February 5th, 2020. While the unconscionable choice by Republicans to acquit the president of his crimes is relevant to the contemporary administration, it will only become increasingly relevant as time passes. Some herald Senator Mitt Romney for his “courageous” choice to break ranks and support one of the articles of impeachment, abuse of power. However, the Senator from Utah deserves no ‘brownie points’; the outpouring support from liberals, be they TV pundits or twitter users, is extensively unwarranted. The senator’s vote against the obstruction of Congress impeachment article is a gross example of contempt for the power and responsibilities of the legislative branch. Refusing to support one of the most crucial checks on the executive branch that exists – oversight of the presidency, something the judiciary is increasingly unable to do with each judge appointed by Trump – is to effectively reject the importance of restraining the presidency from ascending to an autocratic figure and away from democratic leader of the United States.

To be fair, Romney is better than a certain Hawaiian representative in the House. At least he had the conviction and courage to speak his mind and cast an up or down vote, come what may: to do so during an impeachment inquiry is, you know, literally meeting the most basic of expectations for a member of congress. I know that I will likely be dismissing out of hand whatever argument the representative might make the next time she finds herself on Fox News; I’m willing to guess now that her argument will probably be as vacuous as her excuses for choosing to vote “present” on both articles of impeachment.

However, impeachment is the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the Trump presidency and its attempts to destabilize the federal government. During the two years leading up to President Trump, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Senate Republicans blocked almost every single nominee to the federal bench that President Obama picked, breaking with historical precedent for explicit partisan political gains. Now those seats, as well the ones that have opened up after the 2016 election, are all being filled by Trump. He is filling the courts with judges who share his ideologically conservative viewpoints, and by the end of his first term, as many as half the federal bench will be filled with judges directly appointed by him. It is unsurprising, then, that at the same time as these appointments, organizations have been publishing measured decreases in the rule of law in the United States, not to mention Trump’s willingness to exploit “his pardon powers to signal a willingness to extend immunity to those willing to ignore the law and the courts.”

Of course, none of this discussion has yet included mention of Judge Brett Kavanaugh, whose ascendancy to the Supreme Court featured a shameful Senate confirmation process. The nominee lied several times before the senators despite being under oath (a wrongdoing which has been disqualifying historically, as well as illegal), had an emotional outbreak and nearly started to cry before the Senate Judiciary Committee – again, another violation of norms – during his opening statement. This statement, mind you, came after Christine Blasey Ford detailed Kavanaugh’s alleged assault before the nation on live television and managed to do so without having a temper tantrum like Brett. Still, he made it onto the court after one of the closest, most partisan votes in United States history. To think that the Supreme Court’s legitimacy won’t be called into question should they – with the backing of Brett – rule 5-4 on a case that consequently inspires nationwide protest is nothing short of ludicrous fantasy; we can thank Senate Republicans for that.

With a Senate both unwilling and unable to do its job, and a judiciary seemingly increasingly tainted by Trump’s touch, hope for restraints on the executive is increasingly eroded. Restraint will surely not come from agencies and departments under the executive branch. In a decision that shocked absolutely no one – despite the ridiculous assertion that Trump might have somehow learned his lesson – the president began taking retribution against those he perceives as having crossed him during impeachment. The president fired Ambassador Gordon Sondland and Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman just two days after he was acquitted. He did so under the premise that dissent itself merited removal. Even more disturbingly, Trump has now taken steps to sure up his power and influence with interference via his henchman in the Roger Stone case, which is surely having a chilling effect on the behavior of DOJ employees. 

And for anyone hoping that the election for president this year will be free from undue influence and interference, guess again. Trump’s attempt to sandbag Biden’s campaign without merit may have already happened, and Trump lackey AG Barr – who has previously disputed the findings of DOJ and FBI investigations – is making a precedent-breaking demand that any federal investigations into 2020 candidates must be personally cleared by him first. I’m going to put it out there now that anyone who refuses to adhere to this demand will just be fired damn near immediately since former FBI Director Comey was fired for simply even allowing an investigation.

The situation at hand is pretty fucking bad, to put it lightly. Such a statement isn’t exactly novel, but it’s worth saying. The Senate that has failed to do its job, and now the president is formally able to reign however he sees fit. What’s worse, there are few things or people that can stop him. Which I guess makes sense since, after all, “when you’re a star, they let you do it. You can do anything.”

Sources

  1. “How Trump Took over America's Courts.” YouTube, July 22, 2019. https://youtu.be/Wy8iiC2Mqso?t=158

  2. Kaufman, Robert R., and Stephan Haggard. “Democratic Decline in the United States: What Can We Learn from Middle-Income Backsliding?” Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 02 (2018): 417–32. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718003377

  3. WGI-Interactive Data Access. http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/Home/Reports

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